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a “revolutionary break with the past”.

– essentially changing their attitudes towards capitalist accumulation. The result, however, was that once this transformation took place, the Northern capitalists ended Reconstruction and allowed the South to implement Jim Crow.Moore also directly addressed the Japanese transition to modernity through fascism and the communist path in China, while implicitly remarking on Germany and Russia.For Moore, the influence of the bourgeoisie in Japan was significantly more limited than in England, France, and the U.S. Instead of the capitalist accumulation through the “bourgeois impulse” as it did in those three cases, Japan’s late transition to industrial modernity was induced through “labor repressive” agriculture – squeezing the peasantry to generate the necessary capital for modernization. This “revolution from above” served to cement a reactionary alliance of a weak bourgeoisie and powerful landowners that culminated in fascism.In China, the overwhelming strength of the peasantry vis-a-vis the bourgeoisie and the landed elites resulted in the Chinese Revolution, but they were its first victims. Here, the bourgeoisie allied with the peasants, and created a “revolution from below.” Moore criticized attempts by other sociologists to retroactively identify some kind of useful “function” served by the Chinese system of imperial government, and argued that the more likely reason for its prolonged survival was that most people, especially peasants, simply accept their social system “unless and until something happens to threaten and destroy their daily routine.”One can see Moore’s theme of the bourgeoisie again here – in the states that became democratic, there was a strong bourgeoisie. In Japan and China, the bourgeoisie was weak, and allied with the elites or peasants to create fascism or communism, respectively.The wide range of critical response to Social Origins was examined by Jon Wiener in the journal History and Theory.